As published by the Mint on Jan 2, 2014, at http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/HGwDVRXYIdacHrnFn0T7RI/New-Year-resolution-for-India-Stay-out-of-Afghanistan-mess.html?google_editors_picks=true
New
Year resolution for India :
Stay out of Afghanistan
mess
It would be stupidity on a truly monumental scale if
This might seem like a
strange, even bizarre, suggestion as a New Year resolution for India . Afghanistan is
hardly top of mind in the Indian public consciousness. There are far more
pressing issues, to do with corruption, economic policy, and so on. Besides,
nobody thinks we are about to get into the Afghanistan mess.
But there is every
possibility of this changing dramatically in 2014. For this is the year the US is set to withdraw maximally from Afghanistan . Of
course, the US
and its allies are not getting out completely—permanent US/NATO bases will
remain. But the American troops, pruned down from a peak of 101,000 in 2011 to
about 20,000 by 2014-end, will play a supporting role to Afghan forces. The latter will be the
lead player when it comes to ensuring law and order, and in particular, the
security of all the foreigners out there ostensibly on a humanitarian mission
to save Afghanistan
from the Afghans.
The big question is: can Afghanistan withstand the Taliban onslaught
after the “draw down” of the US
and NATO forces? There have already been innumerable instances of so-called “turncoat
attacks”, where local recruits trained to staff the Afghan national army have
launched surprise attacks on US/NATO personnel. There doesn’t seem to be a
foolproof way of securing local security forces from Taliban infiltration. And
if there is such a process, it is doubtful that too many local recruits would come
through the filter as trust-worthy. If enough don’t, you may not have an Afghan
army large enough to take over from the departing foreign troops.
But public opinion,
especially in the US ,
and also in all its major allies with troop deployments, is strongly against
continued military involvement. Hence the draw down and the 2014 deadline.
Understandably, there is a growing nervousness about what will happen to all
the “outsiders” in Afghanistan—and the investments of all the outsiders, not
all of them American—once the security apparatus is in the hands of the Afghans
themselves.
This is where India comes in.
India already has a
Strategic Partnership Agreement with Afghanistan , under which it has
guaranteed military assistance to the latter. Currently, this is restricted to
sale of weapons, training, logistics and infrastructural support. This is in
addition to substantial civilian assistance: Afghanistan
is India ’s largest foreign
aid recipient, and India
has invested close to `10,000 crore or $2 billion in various
reconstruction projects. This might seem small when measured against the
investments of other countries, but it is inevitable that this figure will
expand given the intensifying war for the planet’s mineral resources.
Various estimates put Afghanistan ’s
mineral reserves at $1.5-2.5 trillion. It has huge reserves of copper, iron,
cobalt, gold and a vital industrial metal, lithium, which is used in batteries
for mobile phones and laptops. In fact, the Pentagon has described Afghanistan as
“the Saudi Arabia of Lithium”. Apart from being resource rich, Afghanistan is
also a crucial “land bridge” whose control is essential for securing lucrative
pipelines and transport corridors needed to plug the untapped natural resources
of the other mineral-rich countries in the region to the global economy. So,
irrespective of how many of its own troops it has on the ground, the US is not about
to loosen its grip on the land-locked nation, which is vital to its long-term
interests in the region.
Many see the conflict in Afghanistan
more as a resource war that began by masquerading as a revenge mission, and is
now masquerading as a humanitarian intervention. India, which has long dropped
any pretensions to an independent foreign policy, has been more than amenable
to serving as America’s surrogate in the region—a role that, much to its
irritation, had for long been assigned to Pakistan.
Our foreign policy
mandarins—let’s not read too much into India’s churlish behaviour in the
Khobragade episode—have for long derived their greatest kicks from inching
India closer and closer toward displacing Pakistan as America’s preferred ally
in the region. This was seen most spectacularly in the triumphalism around the
India-US nuclear deal. It is also seen in the rising frequency of hawkish
anti-China pieces emitted by various think tank experts.
It is well known that
many of these think tanks are funded directly or indirectly by the American
government or business groups. And there is every reason to believe that 2014
will see a growing clamour from them calling upon India to play the role it has
traditionally played for Western imperial powers (which it did most
impressively in the two World Wars): supply cannon fodder. Of course, this is
not the language in which the clamour will find expression.
Rather, the case will
broadly take the form of an appeal to India ’s supra-nationalistic ego and
economic ambitions. The arguments will begin by presenting the US withdrawal as an “opportunity” for India , which,
we will be informed, is now being called upon by the world to play a “greater
role”. Thanks to this greater role, our troops in Afghanistan
will expand India ’s “power
projection” beyond the sub-continent, and into Central
Asia .
What’s more, it will
boost India ’s
war against terror by allowing us to directly target its “jihadi base” in
Taliban territory. The most compelling argument, naturally, will be to do with
Kashmir, with reports already predicting that once the
foreign troops start going home, all the jihadi militants in Afghanistan will turn their attention to Kashmir . The best way to avoid this scenario is by
pre-empting it—which would entail sending our troops to Afghanistan to
eliminate the jihadi elements at the source.
Public opinion, of
course, may still not endorse dispatching Indian meat to the Afghan slaughterhouse.
But then, what are intelligence agencies for? And the burgeoning national
security beat where unsubstantiated claims from anonymous sources can be—and
have often been—passed off as news? Given a terror attack or two, masterminded,
presumably, by elements enjoying sanctuary in the badlands of Af-Pak, and a
rightwing regime in New Delhi with a predilection for pandering to
testosterone-driven jingoism, it is not inconceivable that enough hysteria
might be generated so that India does the “needful” as per Washington’s
requirements.
Indian troop deployment
in Afghanistan, if it comes to pass, would be the worst foreign policy blunder
since the 1962 war with China—also, incidentally, a tragedy induced by
hubris—making the IPKF fiasco in Sri Lanka seem like a mildly unpleasant picnic
in comparison.
It would be stupidity on
a truly monumental scale if India —for
whatever imagined strategic, economic, or anti-terror pay-offs—ends up sending
troops into the Afghan quagmire. With large swathes of Pakistan already beyond the control of the
state, the consequences for India
are too nightmarish to even contemplate. The ministry of external affairs
would, therefore, do well to adopt this as a New Year Resolution: India shall avoid military involvement in Afghanistan , no
matter what the temptation or compulsion or provocation.
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